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The company is engaged in an ongoing dialogue with International Rivers, having prepared a strong environmental policy framework in Yet Sinohydro is now considering building a series of highly destructive dam projects. With at least international projects , the company is the face of Chinese dam building overseas. International Rivers believes that leading global actors must follow leading global standards.

On this premise, Sinohydro and International Rivers started the first ever dialogue between a Chinese overseas investor and an international advocacy group in July Since this time, International Rivers has regularly alerted the company about problems with projects in their pipeline, and have made specific recommendations for a strong environmental policy. We have always made it clear that we would continue to campaign against destructive projects if the company took them up. As an early sign of progress, Sinohydro approved a Policy Framework for Sustainable Development with high standards in The company committed to following the World Bank safeguard policies as a baseline.

In addition, the policy framework ruled out projects in nationally and internationally protected areas, recognized the right of indigenous peoples to free, prior informed consent regarding projects in their territories, and committed to setting up mechanisms for the prompt resolution of community grievances. With its sustainable development framework, Sinohydro expressed an ambition to become a leading global actor in the dam building sector. Since , however, we have seen long delays in the effective implementation of the new commitments.

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The company, which consists of numerous holdings and subsidiaries, underwent a lengthy restructuring process and eventually merged with other state-owned enterprises to form Power China , a corporate giant with more than , employees. To this day, Sinohydro has however not published the sustainable development framework which it prepared in Instead in June the company adopted new Sustainable Development and Ethics Policies, which are considerably weaker than the previous framework.

As we explain in a separate briefing paper , the new policies take a strong stance against corruption, but make only vague commitments to environmental protection and community relations. In a meeting with International Rivers, Sinohydro managers argued that their company preferred to under-promise and over-deliver. They are currently preparing 22 internal guidelines, which they said would be stricter than the formal policy. Yet while the guidelines will be shared with International Rivers, the company does not intend to publicize them.

Sinohydro is currently considering building a series of projects that illustrate why clear standards are essential for responsible international dam builders. The proposed dam would flood square kilometers of forest, including nationally protected areas. It would also displace indigenous people and inundate sacred ancestral lands.

The affected people strongly object to the project, and have repeatedly blocked the road to the site. Stung Cheay Areng ranks high in environmental impacts but low in economic value among the dams proposed in Cambodia. Two other Chinese companies dropped the contentious project in the past. It would also threaten a rare habitat of the endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin. Sinohydro considers building the project for a Malaysian investor, the Mega First Corporation, and is undertaking preparatory work at the project site.


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International Rivers takes a long-term perspective on our dialogue with Sinohydro. We understand that bringing about change in a company with dozens of subsidiaries and hundreds of thousands of employees takes time. At the same time, Sinohydro has had many opportunities to learn about the social and environmental impacts of its projects on the ground.

Five years after starting an environmental policy dialogue, three years after preparing strict social and environmental commitments, projects like Stung Cheay Areng have become test cases. Sinohydro can prove that it values its reputation and its role as an ambassador of the Chinese state more than the short-term profits of a destructive contract.


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  6. Or it can tell the world that it is prepared to build projects even if they clearly violate international standards and other dam builders have walked out from them. Sinohydro can still fully assess the risks of these projects and make the right choice. Should it decide to go forward with destructive projects in Cambodia and elsewhere, strong local and international campaigns will demonstrate that today, every company needs a social license to operate, and environmental risks can turn into business risks very quickly.

    Just before the outbreak of the Second World War, E. Carr finished his draft of Twenty Years' Crisis. In it he observed:. In these twenty years, foreign policy makers had to figure out how to utilize globalized telecommunication cable and wireless networks.

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    Overseas events were reported almost immediately to the public, many of whom were also demanding greater political, economic and social rights. Carr argued that the propaganda institutions developed in many countries in —39 because of 'the popularization of international politics' and more effective 'propaganda methods'.

    Meanwhile, the League of Nations elevated the idea of 'international public opinion' into a norm in international politics. In his view, all modern states had to respond to these new trends. Propaganda was, therefore, not a tool specific to certain political regimes, but a modern state's inevitable and rational response to them. The difference between the propaganda of a totalitarian regime and that of a democracy was, Carr argued, 'less clear-cut' in practice than is often assumed.

    What then happened to these 'peacetime' propaganda institutions during the war? Most works on Japan's propaganda and its information management during the wartime —45 sharply differentiated the authoritarian nature of the Japanese political regime from that of the 'liberal-democracies'. They developed separate institutions for two types of external propaganda operations news propaganda and cultural propaganda in an initial stage, and those for news propaganda evolved in tandem with official attempts to control external information news propaganda and intelligence gathering.

    The Manchurian Crisis of —33 prompted the Japanese state to coordinate diverse news propaganda operations both in Japan proper and in the newly occupied Northeast China Manchuria. While military influence in politics grew, the institutions for such coordination developed within the framework of the Meiji Constitution, and resistance of existing ministries and interests remained formidable.

    The creation of a cultural propaganda organization in Japan in was also a part of the global trends as much as the reflection of its need for new strategies for post-League diplomacy. In —34, the Reuters' news cartel system finally collapsed, and the global news propaganda race became fiercer. States also had to pay greater attention to propaganda in the age of mass-based politics.

    Soft Power of Japan's Total War State further argues that war consolidated, not created or changed, existing news and cultural propaganda operations, which were ongoing global trends. The Japanese state developed a prototype of what we now call 'public diplomacy' during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Was the Japanese case exceptional?

    Matthew Johnson's recent analysis of the operation of the U.

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    He also indicates a blurring demarcation between wartime propaganda and peacetime information dissemination and public diplomacy in the U. War nonetheless brought forth new factors both in Japan and other countries as states moved to achieve greater and more effective information management. Having realized the significance of mass opinion in domestic and foreign politics, many countries had tried to create an office to coordinate propaganda operations in the s.

    Japan attempted to create an inter-ministerial coordinating office during the diplomatic crisis in A plan to create the MOI in Britain also started in In Japan and Britain, such attempts generate strong resistance from existing ministries and media organizations. Two of the reasons were: it would be counterproductive for propaganda toward major liberal democratic countries; and such a model might work for the U. In wartime, the state had a stronger incentive to not only coordinate, but also centralize control of these operations by creating an inter- or supra ministerial organization.

    In Germany, the above-mentioned ministry became the wartime central office. This was also the case in Italy and the U. In many countries, however, inter-ministerial tensions continued to exist, and as Soft Power of Japan's Total War State details, Japan was not an exception. In the U. While Soft Power of Japan's Total War State stresses a global trend in the state's quest for more effective information management, it also argues that in Japan, such quests began to be formulated in the s within a framework of a total war state. They were in no way isolationist or reactionary.

    Rather it was their sense of urgency based on their knowledge of democratic trends, technological developments, and other countries' preparedness for a new propaganda era that led them to argue for a systematic central state management. The Meiji Constitution presented two problems for a civilian government's wartime control of information.

    First, the constitution located the Imperial General Headquarters outside the jurisdiction of civilian government. Second, it did not define a war cabinet. In Britain, a war cabinet was constitutionally established. The MOI, for which domestic propaganda was as important, if not more so than overseas propaganda, worked closely with military commands for overseas operations.

    Coordination with the Foreign Office was more problematic. Similarly, in the U. Its U. Its influence over the Imperial General Headquarters was, however, never accepted, and it met strong resistance from the Home Ministry.


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    They came under the military commands in military-occupied areas, over which the BOI could suggest policies, but had little influence. Where possible, I compare this analysis with the experiences of other countries.